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Crack production in the inner city, therefore, was a very decentralized process. It occurred mainly in low income residential areas, was often the work of youth with criminal records, and was typically unregulated by the government. Not only were black and Hispanic crack users disproportionately represented in the drug-trafficking economy, but also they were disproportionately arrested for possessing crack and incarcerated in drug court. By the mid-1990s, however, the crack epidemic had been largely driven from the inner city by more organized crime groups of Italian and Colombian origin, who were able to link their operations to the drug markets of the Far East.
The District's high arrest rate wasn't just an economic problem for the city. The crack epidemic destroyed families, neighborhoods and communities; it led to a rise in violent crimes, especially crimes of violence against African American men and boys. By the mid-1990s, the D.C. homicide rate, which had remained constant or declined since the early 1980s, jumped from 7.4 to 15.1 per 100,000 residents.
In the late 1980s, the crack epidemic began to seriously affect African Americans in the Washington, D.C. area. From the 1980s to the early 1990s, the city had the highest per capita rate of people arrested for drug offenses in the nation, and by the mid-1990s, drug arrests in the District accounted for 30 percent of all arrests in the city. The percentage of African Americans arrested for drug offenses grew from 8 percent in 1981 to 41 percent in 1994; in the same period, the percentage of people of all races arrested for drug offenses dropped from 14 to 7 percent. The number of African American adults in D.C. arrested for drug offenses grew from 6,100 to nearly 30,000 over the same period, according to a Washington Post investigation published in 1992.
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